Showing posts with label public history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label public history. Show all posts

Monday, February 15, 2016

Book Review: Family Ties by Andrea Terry (or More on the Challenges of Teaching with Museums)

By Cynthia Wallace-Casey, PhD 
University of New Brunswick 
(Fredericton) 

There’s something about the experience of a Victorian Christmas that makes many of us feel warm and fuzzy inside. Our sense of nostalgia seems heightened by the festive season. Because of this, perhaps we’re more prone to let down our critical lens on the past, and simply enjoy the visual candy. Surrounded by the sights, sounds, and smells of the season, we encounter compelling evidence to suggest that we can truly experience the past for real… as it once was. 

Andrea Terry, however, in her publication Family Ties: Living History in Canadian House Museums (2015), dispels such nostalgia, as she closely examines the annual Victorian Christmas programs at three Canadian house museums: Dundurn Castle in Hamilton Ontario, Sir George-Étienne Cartier National Historic Site in Montreal Quebec, and William Lyon Mackenzie House in Toronto Ontario. With a keen eye for cultural hegemony, Family Ties delves down beneath the sugary surface, to reveal how interpretive Christmas programs in each of these living history museums are actually a product of present-day values, place-based politics, and nationalistic agendas. 


Wednesday, July 11, 2012

Rating System for Evaluating Public History Web Sites

By Debra DeRuyver, Jennifer Evans, James Melzer, and Emma Wilmer
(Written and Mounted April 30, 2000)

Regular visitors to public history Web sites include historians and non-historians; academic and non-academic publics. Oft times, Web sites are used as the sole source of historical information on particular topics, particularly by K-12 and undergraduate students. Therefore, critical analysis of these sites is of the utmost importance. We as public historians have a responsibility to critique and evaluate these online resources, both to help improve the specific sites under review and to raise the bar for the entire field of public history. Site analyses provide benefits to several different groups:
  • The user gains an idea of the strengths and weaknesses of a site and the validity and reliability of the information contained therein.
  • The reviewed site benefits from a constructive outside appraisal.
  • Un-reviewed public history sites benefit from having models of best practices and common pitfalls.
  • Critical site analyses encourage better scholarship and more engaging presentations of public history.
  • Ultimately, the historical record is served by site analyses; site reviews provide traces of presentations of public history on the Web during its first decade of existence.
Table of Contents:



Saturday, December 10, 2011

Participatory Mapping: Place-Making as Process in Montréal’s Mile End

Maps are more than pieces of paper. They are stories, conversations, lives and songs lived out in a place and are inseparable from the political and cultural contexts in which they are used. (A. Warren, cited in Giacomo Rambaldi, "Who Owns the Map Legend?")


Places resonate. They are keepers of stories and avenues for remembrance. As the Mile End mapping project demonstrates, community place-based projects offer opportunities to give shape to the past, outline the present and envision the future...


NCPH: Off the Wall - Participatory Mapping Place-making...

Tuesday, April 26, 2011

Who is Crafting our National Identity?

by Cynthia Wallace-Casey
PhD Student, University of New Brunswick

Nationalism is modern but it invents for itself history and traditions. (Eric Hobsbawm, The Invention of Tradition, 1983)

 
Public institutions in Canada, particularly those with a national focus, are mandated to present a national perspective on the past. Such a mandate raises the essential questions of “Who defines nation-ness” and “What represents a nation’s true identity”.

In Les Lieux de Mémore (1989) , Pierre Nora establishes a distinction between real memory and historical memory: Memory is life, while history is the reconstruction of what is no longer; memory is a perpetual bond with the present, while history is a representation of the past; memory is selective in its information, while history calls for analysis and criticism; memory is sentimental, while history is prosaic; memory is bound to a specific group of people, while history belongs to no group in particular and is thus universal; memory takes root in concrete objects, while history is temporal; memory is absolute, while history is relative. As historians, we are taught to be suspicious of memory, for as Nora explains, the “true mission [of history] is to suppress and destroy [memory]” . With the acceleration of history, Nora argues, there has occurred in France a slippage of collective memory (authentic environments of memory). In turn, collective memory has been replaced by “lieux de mémoire” (sites of memory), which serve the people as their official keepers of memory. Thus, these sites of memory constitute France’s national memory, and can be monuments, emblems, commemorations, symbols, rituals, textbooks, documents, or mottos: the material culture of France. Ironically, having destroyed memory, history “calls out for memory because it has abandoned it”, and in its place, nations “deliberately create archives, maintain anniversaries, organize celebrations, pronounce eulogies, and notarize bills because such activities no longer occur naturally”. Such national sites of memory are problematic, in that we must question who is creating the memory site and for what purpose.

Every public institution in Canada has a Collections Management Policy and curators, as well as archivists, must be selective in what they actually collect – so in an indirect way, they are crafting our national memory, or, as Benedict Anderson would indicate, creating our imagined community. Nationality, significations, nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are cultural artifacts of a particular kind that are fabricated and imagined. Nationalism is not real: “it is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.” Such imagined communities are perpetuated through the creation of a national consciousness - expressed through such national icons as emblems, maps, monuments, census, official languages, the arts, school instruction, and museums. As Anderson poignantly explains, “no more arresting emblems of the modern culture of nationalism exist than cenotaphs and tombs of Unknown Soldiers” . Rather than recognizing such monuments as sincere expressions of remembrance, Anderson sees them as tools to bind together our national imagination and somehow justify loss of life for a greater cause of national destiny.

Within such a gamut of national memories and imagined identities, our pursuit of “truth” in history seems ever more evasive. But, if our “national treasures” are the keystones to our national identity (no matter how fabricated this identity may be), they spark our imagination and thus selectively hold us together as a nation. This indeed is a great feat, and so the role of public historians in working with academic historians in crafting our national identity must be valued as a profession of utmost significance.

Wednesday, April 7, 2010

Public History and Engaging in the Historian's Craft

by Cynthia Wallace-Casey
PhD Student, University of New Brunswick



“We don't see things as they are; we see them as we are.”      (Anaïs Nin, 1903-1977)

In the fourth season of “The Sopranos”, Anthony junior sits at the kitchen counter of the family home, reading to his parents a history book about Christopher Columbus. His father, Tony Soprano, becomes increasingly more agitated as he realizes that his son’s version of history challenges his own well-established concepts about the “great Italian hero”.

“Your teacher told you that?” he asks his son; to which A.J. replies: “It’s not just my teacher, it’s the truth! It’s in my history book.”

In this postmodernist age, historians are ever challenged in their pursuit of “the truth”. For public historians, this challenge becomes even more complicated as we engage a third dimension to our quest: trying to understand our audience and their perceptions. In the end, we find that “the truth” is nothing more than our interpretation of events and it is an ever changing, ever evading, ideal.

The Past versus History
The past is not history. The past is merely a series of random events. History is the study of these random events, and historians try to make sense of the past by adopting standardized methods of historical inquiry that strive to achieve some measure of objectivity. Like truth, objectivity is an ideal that is sought but never fully achieved. Included in this historical inquiry are basic tools that allow the historian to: establish historical significance; examine primary as well as secondary evidence; identify continuity and change; analyze cause and consequence; establish historical perspectives; and ultimately understand moral dimensions of the past. Historians interpret the past, and in so doing they realize that their interpretations are shaped by their own biases and interests – but, in the words of Margaret Conrad, a good historian strives “to examine their own motivations, take pains to understand the context of earlier efforts to write the history of their topic, and concede that exploring the past from a variety of perspectives is the closest they can come to the ideal of objectivity.” This is the historian’s craft, and it is the pursuit of an elusive objective history that (I believe) differentiates the amateur from the professional.

In New Brunswick, written history – in the European sense of the term – was first introduced to the region by early explorers. The ancestral people of this region - Mik'maq, Wolastoqiyik and Passamaquoddy - all communicated through picture-writing known as gomgwejui'gaqan (Mik'maq), wikhegan (Wolastoqiyik), and wikhikon (Passamaquoddy), although this form of written history has not been fully appreciated as a documentary source. North America’s first European historian, Marc Lescarbot, visited Saint Croix Island, as well as the river St. John, in 1607 and upon his return to France, published a three-volume Histoire de la Nouvelle-France in Paris in 1609. Four years later, Samuel de Champlain also published his journals in France, and in 1672, Nicolas Denys published a two-volume Description géographique et historique des costes de l'Amérique septentrionale avec l'histoire naturelle du paèis, which was written while he resided in Nepisiguit (present-day Bathurst). These first histories were in keeping with the genre of the time, and were (for the most part) narrative travel accounts written for the purpose of promoting the “new world” in Europe. Today, these documents (although recognized as extremely biased and ethnocentric in their perspective) are valued by historians - not as histories, but as primary resources - for their insights into the authors’ activities and encounters with First Nations culture. With the distance of time, we’re able to recognize that such history books are not guardians of the truth, but merely representations of a unique perspective on the past, presented with the ethical intent of stating the truth as seen through the authors' eyes.

Professional versus Amateur Historians
Until the end of the nineteenth century, historians in Canada were (for the most part) educated amateurs “who came to the field out of enthusiasm rather than any formal training”. Increasingly, universities began offering courses in history and the emerging new academic history emphasized archival research, document analysis, and detailed accuracy with the objective of presenting the past “exactly as it was”. The lines of professionalism became very clear, as universities established independent disciplines of history, and researchers were expected to be more accountable for their work. In New Brunswick, the work of historians such as William F. Ganong (1864-1941), John C. Webster (1863-1950) and Pascal Poirier (1852-1933), although noble in their efforts, fell within the realm of educated amateur “hobbyists”, since they did not have academic training in their field, and history was secondary to their “true” professions.

Outside the academic field, however, professional public historians were finding their niche. Perhaps Placide Gaudet (1850-1930) could be considered New Brunswick’s first public historian, when in 1898 he secured a full-time contract with the Public Archives of Canada and eventually gained a staff position there as genealogist. Likewise, Dr. Alfred G. Bailey (1905-1997) can be considered New Brunswick’s first professional academic historian. Trained at the University of Toronto, Dr. Bailey began his career in public history as a curator at the New Brunswick Museum in 1935, and then became head of the newly established department of History at the University of New Brunswick in 1938. These individuals were pioneers in their profession, and marked the rise of a trend within New Brunswick towards the pursuit of the past as more than just a hobby.

With time, many more academically trained historians found work in public history, within such institutions as the New Brunswick Museum (1842), Parks Canada (1950), Historical and Cultural Resources (1960 - present-day Heritage Branch), Musée acadien de l’Université de Moncton (1963), Centre d’études acadiennes (1968), Provincial Archives of New Brunswick (1968), Kings Landing Historical Settlement (1974), Village Historique Acadien (1977), and Metepenagiag Heritage Park (2007). Countless others have also found opportunities to volunteer their academic training to the hundreds of small museums and heritage preservation projects operating within all corners of the province.

By the late 1980’s, public history institutions were being called upon to be more accountable to their public funding sources. Pushed to operate more like a “business”, these institutions turned a great deal of their attention to public programming as a means of generating visitor revenue. In turn, the visiting public became much more discerning in their expectations, and so public historians faced new challenges in meeting the needs of their audiences.

The Role of a Public Historian
In essence, Margaret Conrad defines the difference between public and academic historians as resting in the manner of delivery and audience:

Academic historians research, write, and teach in university settings, often – but not exclusively – for each other; public historians also research, write, and teach, but they perform these tasks outside of a university milieu, often use methods other than written texts for presenting their work, and usually address a more diversified audience.

The key term in this statement is “diversified audience”. This (I believe) sets public historians apart from other professional historians. For although public historians work within the same standards of historical inquiry, there is a third dimension to their discipline – that of the recipient of the information and their perceptions about the past. It is not enough to simply present history; the public historian must know their receiving audience, know how they absorb information, and know how to deliver the information in a manner that is specific to their intellectual needs. When public history is practiced well, it is not enough to simply present an interpretation of the past; one must be able to guide the recipient through a process of valid historical inquiry – to engage them in the historian’s craft; enable them to reach their own conclusions; and (ultimately) guide them to their own understanding of what they hold as “true”.
Such an ideal is extremely difficult to achieve – and within the realm of public history, sets the professional apart from the amateur.